{"product_id":"the-devil-we-know-isbn-9780307408679","title":"The Devil We Know","description":"Over the past thirty years, while the United States has turned either a blind or dismissive eye, Iran has emerged as a nation every bit as capable of altering America’s destiny as traditional superpowers Russia and China. Indeed, one of this book’s central arguments is that, in some ways, Iran’s grip on America’s future is even tighter.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eAs ex–CIA operative Robert Baer masterfully shows, Iran has maneuvered itself into the elite superpower ranks by exploiting Americans’ false perceptions of what Iran is—by letting us believe it is a country run by scowling religious fanatics, too preoccupied with theocratic jostling and terrorist agendas to strengthen its political and economic foundations.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eThe reality is much more frightening—and yet contained in the potential catastrophe is an implicit political response that, if we’re bold enough to adopt it, could avert disaster.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eBaer’s on-the-ground sleuthing and interviews with key Middle East players—everyone from an Iranian ayatollah to the king of Bahrain to the head of Israel’s internal security—paint a picture of the centuries-old Shia nation that is starkly the opposite of the one normally drawn. For example, Iran’s hate-spouting President Ahmadinejad is by no means the true spokesman for Iranian foreign policy, nor is Iran making it the highest priority to become a nuclear player. \u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eEven so, Baer has discovered that Iran is currently engaged in a soft takeover of the Middle East, that the proxy method of war-making and co-option it perfected with Hezbollah in Lebanon is being exported throughout the region, that Iran now controls a significant portion of Iraq, that it is extending its influence over Jordan and Egypt, that the Arab Emirates and other Gulf States are being pulled into its sphere, and that it will shortly have a firm hold on the world’s oil spigot.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eBy mixing anecdotes with information gleaned from clandestine sources, Baer superbly demonstrates that Iran, far from being a wild-eyed rogue state, is a rational actor—one skilled in the game of nations and so effective at thwarting perceived Western colonialism that even rival Sunnis relish fighting under its banner.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eFor U.S. policy makers, the choices have narrowed: either cede the world’s most important energy corridors to a nation that can match us militarily with its asymmetric capabilities (which include the use of suicide bombers)—or deal with the devil we know. We might just find that in allying with Iran, we’ll have increased not just our own security but that of all Middle East nations.The alternative—to continue goading Iran into establishing hegemony over the Muslim world—is too chilling to contemplate.“A masterpiece . . . Baer’s brilliant analysis of Sunni versus Shia, Arab versus Iranian, and Christian versus Muslim is shocking, revealing, and provocative. Baer lifts the veil of Western media hype and challenges the simplistic solutions offered by ‘experts’ whose vision is blurred by the past. Through his knowledge, long-term experience, and ability to assess the changing landscape of this vital region, he not only shatters the foundations of conventional thinking, but also offers a practicable blueprint for turning things around.”\u003cb\u003e—John Perkins, author of the \u003ci\u003eNew York Times \u003c\/i\u003ebestseller \u003ci\u003eConfessions of an Economic Hit Man\u003c\/i\u003e\u003c\/b\u003e\u003ci\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/i\u003e“The most important and original book on the Middle East to appear in many years. Baer’s subject is the growing power of Iran; his goal is ending the pattern of American failure; his message is that we’ve been backing the wrong horse. This is a book McCain and Obama should ponder.”\u003cb\u003e—Thomas Powers, Pulitzer Prize-winning author of \u003ci\u003eThe Man Who Kept the Secrets\u003c\/i\u003e and \u003ci\u003eIntelligence Wars\u003c\/i\u003e\u003c\/b\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e“\u003ci\u003eThe Devil We Know\u003c\/i\u003e, Bob Baer has once again peered into the future and has brought back uncomfortable truths that won’t satisfy any partisan. But his book does force us to do something that, unfortunately, doesn’t come naturally to the chattering classes. Think.”\u003cb\u003e—James Risen, Pulitzer Prize-winning author of \u003ci\u003eState of War: The Secret History of the CIA and the Bush Administration\u003c\/i\u003e\u003c\/b\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e“An important text studded with keen insights into a nation about which America remains dangerously misinformed.”\u003cb\u003e—\u003ci\u003eKirkus Reviews\u003c\/i\u003e\u003c\/b\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e“Timely and provocative . . . adds an important perspective to a crucial international debate.”\u003cb\u003e—\u003ci\u003ePublishers Weekly\u003c\/i\u003e\u003c\/b\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e“Challenges conventional wisdom . . . [a] timely and provocative analysis.”\u003cb\u003e—\u003ci\u003eDenver Post\u003c\/i\u003e\u003c\/b\u003eROBERT BAER is the author of two \u003ci\u003eNew York Times\u003c\/i\u003e bestsellers: \u003ci\u003eSleeping with the Devil\u003c\/i\u003e, about the Saudi royal family and its relationship with the United States; and \u003ci\u003eSee No Evil\u003c\/i\u003e, which recounts Baer’s years as a top CIA operative. \u003ci\u003eSee No Evil \u003c\/i\u003ewas the basis for the acclaimed film Syriana, which earned George Clooney an Oscar for his portrayal of Baer. Baer writes regularly for Time.com and has contributed to \u003ci\u003eVanity Fair\u003c\/i\u003e, the \u003ci\u003eWall Street Journal\u003c\/i\u003e, and the \u003ci\u003eWashington Post\u003c\/i\u003e. He is considered one of the world’s foremost authorities on the Middle East.\u003cb\u003e1\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The Iranian Paradox\u003c\/b\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e One Friday morning in 2005, I attended prayer services at  Tehran University. I was traveling with a crew from Britain’s Channel 4, and we were  treated as VIPs. Security checks were waived and we were given the press booth right  next to Ayatollah Kashani, who addressed the faithful for the next two hours. The  vast hall was only half full, but Kashani’s sermon was long and furious, something  straight out of 1979.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Out on the street, a demonstration was forming. There were  effigies of President Bush, blood running from his pointed teeth. Across the street,  some demonstrators unfurled banners: Marg bar amerika—“Death to America.”\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e I walked  for a time among the demonstrators. There was one old man who seemed especially passionate  about bringing death to America, shaking his fist and shouting. I walked up to him.  “Do you mean all Americans?” I asked.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e He looked at me curiously. “Where are you  from?” he said. I told him I was American. He winked and leaned in closer to me.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e “How can I get an American visa?” he asked.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Iran is a country of nuances. Unfortunately,  at just the time it most needs to, the United States doesn’t see those nuances, or  understand Iran for what it is: a country that’s deeply pious, yet desperately  trying to modernize. Iran’s religious parties generally receive only about 10 percent  of the vote—considerably less than in Turkey, a member of NATO and an American ally.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Americans see Iran’s president and mullahs as relics from a dark age, when in reality  they’re a driving force behind Iran’s modernization. Since the U.S.-led invasions  of Afghanistan and Iraq, it’s true, there’s been a conservative retrenchment, with  hardliners winning the presidency and a majority in parliament. A U-turn like this  was all but inevitable with hostile armies on two of Iran’s borders. But once the  wars are over, Iran will no doubt return to modernizing.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Iranians watch our movies,  read our books, listen to our music. They have taken to the Internet and modern technology  with an obsession equal to our own. Today Persian is the most common language on  the Internet after English and Mandarin Chinese. Iran’s president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad  writes his own blog.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e In some ways, Iran has matched our own modern standards. The  country’s population growth has plummeted from a high of 3.2 in 1986 to 1.2 in 2001,  only slightly higher than Americans. The Iranians also keep an old Shia practice  with regard to pleasure and sex, one that Sunni Muslims consider morally forbidden:  zawaj al-mita’—“pleasure marriage,” or sanctioned prostitution. The way it works  is, a mullah will grant a license for a man and a woman to marry for a set period—two  hours, a week, a month. The mullah’s only concern is making sure the man pays for  the child if the woman becomes pregnant. It’s paradoxes like these that make Iran  so difficult to grasp.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The signs of change are everywhere. One of the most popular  dramas on Iranian state television is about an Iranian diplomat who saves French  Jews from the Nazis during World War II. The average age of marriage for an Iranian  woman today is twenty-five; during the Shah’s last year in power, it was thirteen.  And doctors reportedly perform more sex-change operations in Iran than in any other  country except Thailand, with the Iranian government even paying up to half the cost  for some transsexuals.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e If you stroll around north Tehran, the part that runs up  into the hills, that’s where you’re really struck by the contrasts. There are food  courts serving Thai and Chinese food, with plastic trays and soft drinks. Young unmarried  girls and boys share hookahs at outdoor restaurants, the girls’ head covers pushed  back, down around the neck. In Iran, unlike in Saudi Arabia, religious police aren’ t on every corner to enforce the “moral order.” And unlike in Sudan, there are no  arrests in Iran for the grave offense of naming a teddy bear “Mohammed.”\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e While I  was in Tehran, I was regularly invited to parties; I’d heard rumors they were as  hip and wild as anything that goes on in the cosmopolitan Western capitals of the  world. But I figured I’d already pressed my luck even coming to Iran, and anyhow  I couldn’t stay up that late to find out. What did all this tell me about Iran’s  imperial grasp? The parties, the love affair with the Internet, the changing sexual  mores—they augur a country modernizing, looking beyond its borders.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e One piece of  Iran that’s trying to modernize but can’t is the economy. For the life of me, I couldn’ t find a single good restaurant in Tehran. The restaurants reminded me of those in  the Soviet Union: buffets with lousy service. There were more waiters than needed,  but all of them stood around, surly, turning away when you wanted something. Kitchens  ran out of everything. And breakfasts were peculiar, with mountains of watermelon  and boiled eggs and nothing else. Omelets were apparently an outrageous luxury, though  with relentless charm and cajoling you might get one.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Another thing that reminded  me of the Soviet Union were the soulless, water-streaked cement apartment buildings,  office buildings, and hotels. Concierges are invariably polite but hopeless in trying  to help you with anything. Phones mostly don’t work, and Internet connections are  erratic. To be sure, there are well-heeled Iranian elite reading Lolita and dining  on nouvelle cuisine, but they keep out of sight.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Tehran’s big problem is the internal  combustion engine. The Iranian national car, the Peykan, is one of the noisiest,  worst-polluting, and least fuel-efficient cars in the world. It was in production  for forty years, and many of the cars on Iran’s roads predate the 1979 revolution.  With gasoline running as low as 7 cents a gallon until recently, though, there wasn’ t much incentive for change. Even so, in the last three years, 250,000 Iranian cars  have been converted to natural gas or hybrids, and today Tehran’s smog has cleared  up enough to see the snow-covered Elburz Mountains to the north.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e When I visited  south Tehran’s Kumaila Mosque, ground zero of Ayatollah Khomeini’s revolution, I  noticed the distinct smell of opium smoke drifting through the narrow alleys. This  was a conservative neighborhood, the place where the Islamic revolution started,  yet there was an incomprehensible tolerance for a vice forbidden almost everywhere  else in the world.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e And it wasn’t as if the Iranian government couldn’t close down  the opium dens if it wanted to. Iran is a police state. Every day I drove around  Tehran, or walked around the streets and bazaars, I was stopped and my papers checked—just  because I looked out of place, a foreigner. The tamperproof ID card I was issued  by the Ministry of Information was more sophisticated than those you’d find in the  United States—a permanent digital record of the ex–CIA agent, now an accredited journalist  in Iran.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The contradictions continue. Tehran’s Imam Khomeini International Airport  is one of the most modern and least traveled in the world—and, I should add, the  most polite. On arrival, I handed my passport to an immigration official wearing  the hijab, or head covering. When she saw I was American, she said, “I’m so sorry.”  She entered my name on the flat-screen monitor, then picked up the phone and called  someone. A minute later, a man in a suit without a tie appeared behind her. He motioned  for me to follow him.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e There’s no point in pretending I felt anything other than  dread. I knew the reputation of the Iranian secret police during both the Shah’s  regime and the revolution. I remembered how we came across pictures of Iranian dissidents  in Tehran’s notorious Evin Prison, left in the courtyard in the freezing cold, their  legs broken with baseball bats. Or pictures of the CIA’s station chief in Beirut  after he’d been beaten by Iranian proxies and left to die of pneumonia. Or of Iranian  liberals in the late nineties, executed in their homes. Even today, the Iranians  still occasionally serve up medieval punishment for crimes, including amputations  and public floggings.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e And Americans, even after a certain thaw in Iranian-American  relations, weren’t immune from the Iranian police state. On March 8, 2007, the former  FBI agent Robert Levinson flew to the Iranian free-trade zone of Kish Island—and  disappeared like a diamond in an inkwell. At this writing, the FBI’s best guess is  that a rogue element of Iran’s intelligence service grabbed him. Not exactly what  you’d expect from a modern country. But this is the most important nuance of Iran:  It’s a country desperately trying to modernize, not one that has already modernized.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e I waited nervously until the man in the suit came back. “I’m very sorry,” he said,  “but we must fingerprint you.”\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e As I followed him to his office, he explained that  his ministry had started fingerprinting Americans after the United States instituted  the same practice for Iranians visiting the United States. It was a simple matter  of reciprocity, equal justice. I had to stop him from apologizing. Iran still had  the capacity to surprise me.The New York Times Bestseller","brand":"Crown","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":46305372831973,"sku":"NP9780307408679","price":19.0,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/1842\/7735\/files\/9780307408679.jpg?v=1767738999","url":"https:\/\/k12savings.com\/products\/the-devil-we-know-isbn-9780307408679","provider":"K12savings","version":"1.0","type":"link"}