{"product_id":"enough-isbn-9780307338242","title":"Enough","description":"\u003cb\u003e\u003ci\u003eNEW YORK TIMES \u003c\/i\u003eBESTSELLER • An impassioned clarion call to return to the traditional values that served generations of civil rights heroes in order to overcome the obstacles faced by black Americans today\u003c\/b\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cb\u003e“Written in the tradition of DuBois and King, \u003ci\u003eEnough \u003c\/i\u003eis an impressively powerful and courageous book.”—David J. Garrow, Pulitzer Prize–winning author of \u003ci\u003eBearing the Cross\u003c\/i\u003e\u003c\/b\u003e\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eHalf a century after brave Americans took to the streets to raise the bar of opportunity for all races, Juan Williams writes that too many black Americans are in crisis—caught in a twisted hip-hop culture, dropping out of school, ending up in jail, having babies when they are not ready to be parents, and falling to the bottom in twenty-first-century global economic competition.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eWilliams makes the case that while there is still racism, it is way past time for black Americans to open their eyes to the “culture of failure” that exists within their community. He raises the banner of proud black traditional values—self-help, strong families, and belief in God—that sustained black people through generations of oppression and flowered in the exhilarating promise of the modern civil rights movement. Williams asks what happened to keeping our eyes on the prize by proving the case for equality with black excellence and achievement.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eReinforcing his incisive observations with solid research and alarming statistical data, Williams offers a concrete plan for overcoming the obstacles that now stand in the way of African Americans’ full participation in the nation’s freedom and prosperity. Certain to be widely discussed and vehemently debated,\u003ci\u003e Enough\u003c\/i\u003e is a bold, perceptive, solution-based look at African American life, culture, and politics today.Advance Praise for \u003ci\u003eEnough\u003c\/i\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e“Written in the tradition of DuBois and King, \u003ci\u003eEnough\u003c\/i\u003e is an impressively powerful and courageous book. Williams delivers a blunt and bracing challenge to black America.” —David J. Garrow, author of the Pulitzer Prize–winning \u003ci\u003eBearing the Cross\u003c\/i\u003e and Senior Fellow at Cambridge University  \u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e“A courageous and much-needed primer on race relations in America today.” —Thomas Sowell, author of \u003ci\u003eBlack Rednecks\u003c\/i\u003e and \u003ci\u003eWhite Liberals\u003c\/i\u003e and Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e“\u003ci\u003eEnough\u003c\/i\u003e is a breath of fresh air and a long overdue, critical insight into today’s stereotypical nonsense that has unfortunately been passing as the new black culture.” —Donna Brazile, political commentator for CNN and former campaign manager for Al Gore in 2000 \u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e“Juan Williams has, through Bill Cosby, spoken for the quiet majority of African Americans who desperately look for some voice to articulate what they know is truth. . . . I highly recommend Enough to those who are really interested in knowing our nation’s history, and specifically the odyssey of African Americans in this country.” —Douglas Wilder, mayor of Richmond, Virginia, and former governor of Virginia \u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e“Juan Williams isn’t afraid to give Cosby his props, showing us that a lot of what people call black conservatism is plain common sense.” —John McWhorter, author of \u003ci\u003eWinning the Race: Beyond the Crisis in Black America \u003c\/i\u003eJuan Williams is a senior correspondent for NPR®. He is also a political analyst for the Fox News Channel and a panelist on \u003ci\u003eFox News Sunday\u003c\/i\u003e. He is the author of \u003ci\u003eThurgood Marshall: American Revolutionary\u003c\/i\u003e and \u003ci\u003eEyes on the Prize: America's Civil Rights Years, 1954-1965\u003c\/i\u003e, among other books. During his twenty-one year career at \u003ci\u003eThe Washington Post\u003c\/i\u003e, Williams served as an editorial writer, op-ed columnist, and White House correspondent. He lives in Washington, D.C.1\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e    THE LEADERSHIP GAP\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e    The stinging dart at the center of this controversy targets new black   leadership.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e       Critics often charge Bill Cosby, in his Brown anniversary speech,   with beating up on an easy mark: poor black people. Wrong. The   critics are the ones who veer off target. Cosby repeatedly aimed his   fire at the leaders of today's popular black culture, which is often   not just created by black artists, but marketed and managed by black   executives. He was talking about current black political leaders and,   most of all, about the civil rights leaders who time and time again   send the wrong message to poor black people desperately in need of   direction as they try to find their way in a society where being   black and poor remains a unique burden to bear.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e    Cosby's point is that lost, poor black people have suffered most from   not having strong leaders. His charge is that these leaders--cultural   and political--misinform, mismanage, and miseducate by refusing to   articulate established truths about what it takes to get ahead:   strong families, education, and hard work. Every American has reason   to ask about the seeming absence of strong black leadership. Where is   strong black leadership to speak hard truth to those looking for   direction? Where are the black leaders who will make it plain and say   it loud? Who will tell you that if you want to get a job you have to   stay in school and spend more money on education than on disposable   consumer goods? Where are the black leaders who are willing to stand   tall and say that any black man who wants to be a success has to   speak proper English? Isn't that obvious? It would be a bonus if   anyone dared to say to teenagers hungering for authentic black   identity that dressing like a convict, whose pants are hanging off   his ass because the jail prison guards took away his belt, is not the   way to rise up and be a success.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e    There's a reason it takes strong leadership to make these points. It   takes a leader to articulate why success in a world that so   dramatically devalues black people is a worthwhile goal. When young   people--and older people--take on a spirit of rebellion in their   clothes, language, music, and other forms of expression, they're only   responding in a fairly rational way to a society that has first   insulted and degraded them. It takes a real leader to look beyond the   immediate emotional satisfaction--and even the academic   justification--of throwing up a middle finger in the face of the   oppressor, and see the bigger picture. It takes a leader to think   through the consequences and outline a better path--even if it   requires sacrifice in the short term, sacrifice that may include   giving up the easy emotional satisfaction of ultimately pointless   acts, unexamined gestures of rebellion that never rise to the level   of true resistance or long-term revolution. But that kind of   leadership is sorely lacking.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e    Why have black leaders spent the last twenty years talking about   reparations for slavery as if it were a realistic goal deserving of   time and attention from black people? Why is rhetoric from our   current core of civil rights leaders fixated on white racism instead   of on the growing power of black Americans, now at an astounding   level by any historical measure, to determine their own destiny?   Fifty years after Brown, much of the power to address the problems   facing black people is in black hands. Here is Cosby at the very   start of his famous speech:\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e    \"I heard a prizefight manager say to his fellow, who was losing   badly, 'David, listen to me, it's not what he's doing to you. It's   what you're not doing.'\"\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e    Black Americans, including the poor, spend a lot of time talking   about the same self-defeating behaviors that are holding back too   many black people. This is no secret. It's practically a joke. And   black people are the first to shake their heads at the scandals and   antics of the current crop of civil rights leaders who are busy with   old-school appeals for handouts instead of making maximum use of the   power black people have in this generation to determine their own   success.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e    So how did we end up in this situation? Black leaders have always   risen to the occasion in the past, and in far more desperate   situations--why does the talent bench seem so thin today? One key   here is that nearly forty years after Reverend King's death, the best   black talent don't have civil rights leadership as their chief   ambition. Strong black intellects and personalities are leaders in   media (Richard Parsons, the head of Time Warner, and Mark Whitaker,   editor of Newsweek), securities firms (such as Stanley O'Neal of   Merrill Lynch), global corporations (Kenneth Chenault of American   Express, Ann Fudge of the public relations firm Young and Rubicam),   academic institutions (Ruth Simmons, Kurt Schmoke, Henry Louis Gates,   Ben Carson), religious organizations (Floyd Flake, T. D. Jakes), and   national politics (Eleanor Holmes Norton, Artur Davis, Barack Obama,   and Colin Powell). That leaves the civil rights leadership of today   in older hands: the Jesse Jacksons and Julian Bonds, people who made   a name for themselves in the 1960s. And they are still fighting the   battles of the 1960s. Then there are the latecomers, such as Al   Sharpton, whose contribution is to mimic the aging leaders. Neither   the old-timers nor their pale imitators recognize that national   politics has changed and black people have changed. Hell, white   people, as well as Hispanics, Asians, and other immigrants, have   changed. Yet the black leadership is fighting the old battles and   sending the same signals even as poor black people are stuck in a rut   and falling further behind in a global economy.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e    Note that Cosby never identified himself as a civil rights leader. As   he later put it, he is not Martin Luther King Jr. Cosby is a   legendary figure in America's entertainment industry. He is at the   top of his field. In speaking out, he presents himself as an ordinary   man with a deep passion for the well-being of his people, black   people. He is full of the rage of an average man who sees vulnerable   people being hurt and feels compelled to speak out about the glaring   errors and lack of truth-telling in dealing with their problems.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e    \"I am not Jesus carrying a cross down the street,\" he told a reporter   less than a month after the speech set fire to the controversy. \"I   gave the message and I may speak again and again. They want someone   to do the work for them. I am not Dr. King. I am not a leader.\" But   Cosby, like everybody else who is paying attention, recognizes bad   leadership when he sees it.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e    One of Cosby's sharpest darts thrown at the current civil rights   leaders hit home a few months after his Constitution Hall speech. He   was at a town-hall meeting in Detroit to speak directly to black   Americans in one of the nation's blackest cities. He wanted ordinary   black people to hear from him directly about his comments at the   Brown anniversary gala. When he reflected on today's black civil   rights leaders, Cosby essentially asked, Why are black leaders making   the case for black crack addicts to get softer sentences? Why are   black leaders so concerned that cocaine users get shorter sentences   than crack smokers? Let's look at the logic. It is true that the   people snorting cocaine are more often white and middle-class, and   crack addicts are disproportionately black and lower-class. You can   make the case for a racial disparity in sentencing. But what if all   this effort from black leaders was successful and crack addicts got   lower sentences?\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e    \"Hooray,\" Cosby said, spitting it out bitterly. \"Anybody see any   sense in this? Systemic racism, they [black leaders] call it.\" Then   Cosby pointed out the obvious issue--but one that the black civil   rights leadership somehow missed or for some reason underplayed.   Black leaders, he declared, should tell poor black people to stop   smoking crack. They ought to demonize anybody who does it. They   should say it is a betrayal of all the black people who fought to be   free, independent, and in control of their own lives since the day   the first slave ship landed. They should identify the crack trade as   one of the primary reasons why so many young black people are ending   up in jail. Certainly, back leaders should be in front of marches   pushing those crack dealers out of black neighborhoods. And that   effort should include a message that has yet to be heard with   sincerity from black leaders: using crack, heroin, or any other   addictive drug, including excessive drinking of alcohol, is   self-destructive, breaks up families, saps ambition, and is more   dangerous than most white racists.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e    But when was the last time you heard any civil rights leader raging   against the clear evil of crack dealers, shaming them to stop selling   crack? Has anyone seen the civil rights leaders at the head of a   march against bad schools or a boycott against the minstrel acts and   sex, beer, and gangster images that are promoted as authentic black   identity on Black Entertainment Television? Essence, a black women's   magazine, has taken the lead in condemning hateful verbal attacks on   black women by black rap musicians. But the most visible black   leadership is silent.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e    The good news about black leadership in America is that it has a   history of inspirational success. Working against tremendous odds,   black leaders have organized, built coalitions, and trained and   inspired people of all colors to break through racism, taboos, and   stereotypes to create the greatest social movement in American   history--the twentieth-century civil rights movement.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e    That movement offers examples and tools of consistently innovative   leadership that have left America's political, corporate, and   cultural leaders hurrying to catch up. Movements for the rights of   women, Hispanics, children, and gays have all credited the historical   civil rights movement with opening doors for them, and have made the   black rights movement the model for achieving their own aspirations.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e    And that history of strong leadership offers an example of what is   possible for people who want to offer sincere, progressive leadership   to black America today. Civil rights leaders have a fabulous record   of progress, excellence, and achievement, and a willingness to fight   and sacrifice for the next generation. Their commitment to democracy,   law, and equality has made the civil rights movement the moral center   of America for the past century.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e    Even black leaders who lost battles along the way became legends by   setting out a clear path of courageous struggle. Failure wasn't   desired, of course, but was willingly risked in the name of standing   up for what was right. From the start of slavery in the United   States, black leaders devised escapes, sabotaged plantation   operations, and plotted strategic acts of violence to defy the system   of human ruination that is slavery. Denmark Vesey led a slave revolt   in 1822, in which he organized about 10,000 black people in both   rural and urban areas around Charleston, South Carolina. At a time   when black people outnumbered whites in the region, Vesey used black   servants to spy on whites. He obtained and stored weapons, devised   signals for his leaders to communicate, and had a clear plan for   seizing the large arsenal in Charleston's harbor and using it to   command the region. He recognized the power of religion and religious   leaders in the black community, and used the church as a strategic   center to identify leaders as well as recruit followers and hold   meetings.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e    Ultimately the plot was uncovered and Vesey was hanged. But he ably   demonstrated to black and white people the power of black people to   throw off their identity as slaves and take on the mantle of   self-determination as smart, courageous people in search of freedom.   Less than ten years later, Nat Turner led a slave revolt of similar   inspiration. These men were in a desperate situation, but these were   not symbolic acts of self-destruction--they were organized resistance   to an untenable status quo, and even in failure they inspired others   to keep fighting and resisting.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e    Examples of the power of black leadership are evident in American   history as early as 1780, when black leaders formed political groups   to advance the right of black people to self-determination. The   African Union Society of Newport for the Moral Improvement of Free   Africans set requirements for the personal conduct of members who   paid monthly dues for disability benefits and to be assured of proper   burial. But the Union was also a political organization. It gave   black people a voice in the city's political affairs with the goal of   protecting equal rights for black people. The prize of black   leadership, from that start, was always to have black people control   their destiny by being able to educate their children, operate   businesses, participate in politics as equals, and in the earliest   struggle of all, live free of the exploitation of slave masters.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e    A streak of self-determination rises at every turn in the history of   black American leadership. But since the stunning success of the   modern civil rights movement--the steady rise since the Brown   decision in the number of college-educated black people, as well as   the concurrent growth in incomes, home ownership, and black elected   officials--the strong focus on self-determination has faded, at the   moment when its impact could have been the most powerful. In its   place is a tired rant by civil rights leaders about the power of   white people--what white people have done wrong, what white people   didn't do, and what white people should do. This rant puts black   people in the role of hapless victims waiting for only one   thing--white guilt to bail them out.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e    The roots of this blacks-as-beggars approach from black leaders are   planted in an old debate that is now too often distorted.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e    The most prominent voice for black liberation before the Civil War   belonged to Frederick Douglass, a former slave who secretly taught   himself how to read, then became a skilled worker in Baltimore's   shipyards, before escaping to the freedom of the North. As a speaker,   as the author of a book about his life in slavery, and as editor of a   newspaper, the North Star, Douglass led the charge for all good   people to stand against the abomination of slavery, including a call   for black people to take up their own fight as a capable, strong   force in American life. Douglass was the main black leader who   pressed President Lincoln to allow black people to fight with the   Union forces in the name of freeing themselves from slavery. All he   asked of President Lincoln was that he officially emancipate the   slaves so they could legally fight for their freedom. He personally   recruited blacks, including his own two sons, for two regiments in   Massachusetts. He asked the president for a military commission so he   could lead black people in the fight for their own freedom.","brand":"Crown","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":46304110870757,"sku":"NP9780307338242","price":19.0,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/1842\/7735\/files\/9780307338242.jpg?v=1767726303","url":"https:\/\/k12savings.com\/es\/products\/enough-isbn-9780307338242","provider":"K12savings","version":"1.0","type":"link"}